
Book 






SPEECH 



\ 3 c 



w^ii.li_a.m: l. aoaaiN, 

OF BEDFORD,' 



FEDERAL RELATIONS, 



CONVENTION OF VIRGINIA, 



ON THE 26TH AND 27TH FEBRUARY, 1861. 



RICHMOND: 

PRINTED AT THE WHIG BOOK AND JOB OFFICE. 

1861. 



£5-3 'h- 






SPEECH.' 



The order of the day, Resoh^tions touching the relations of 
the States to each other and to the Union^ coming up for consi- 
deration, Mr. GoGGiN said: 

Mr. President, I sliould not ask the attention of this body to- 
day upon the great and important questions which now distract 
the country, Avere it not that I feel it to be my duty at this time, 
to express the views which will govern and control my action 
here. 1 have come here as a member of this body to endeavor, 
in such a manner as may seem proper to myself, to discharge 
the high, responsible duty which rests upon me, as one of those 
who have been clothed with the sovereignty and power of my 
native State. I have not, heretofore, as you will bear me wit- 
ness, occupied one moment's time and attention of this body, 
and I assure you, sir, that I now enter upon the performance of 
this duty, with many misgivings of my capacity to say anything 
that can be calculated in any degree to reflect even the smallest 
light upon subjects so momentous as those which not only 
agitate our own State, but this Union, from one extremity to the 
other. 

I came to this Convention, sir, to act as I may think proper, 
without pledges and without a platform. That word, of so 
much party significance, as it is sometimes elsewhere, can have 
no meaning here, for all those great questions to which some 
gentlemen seem to have thought it necessary to allude, have, in 
my judgment, as mere party measures, no connection with the 
deliberations of this body. I came here, sir, as I said, without 
pledges. I came, hov/ever, with one pledge, and that was — if 
my past life was to be a guarantee of what I would do here, that 
I would endeavor to serve my country and m^/- whole country. 
I need not say to you that I hhve ever professed an ardent at- 
tachment to the Union of these States. I have loved it because 
of the benefits, as I conceived, which it had conferred upon the 
greatest, freest, and mightiest people upon the earth. I have 
enjoyed its blessings, and it was my dearest wish that those 
blessings might be transmitted to my children and children's 
children. Yes, sir, that was the wish nearest my heart. 1 have 



lived for it; I have stood by it; I have defended its great in- 
terests, and 1 have ever felt as if I was ready to die with it and 
perish under its ruins, if perish it must. 

Why did the Union first attract my love and attachment? It 
was not because I had any wish to connect my name, humble 
as it is, with the interests and destiny of a people so great as 
ours, and a Union so glorious as this was. No, sir, I loved her in 
youth, and that attachment sprung from the same source as does 
that which the young man feels for the object of his first and 
earliest affections, when she is capable of inspiring that feeling, 
which I know you and I have felt, Mr. President, not because 
of any outward attractions so much as because of her purity, 
her worth and virtue. Such, sir, is the attachment which I 
have had for this Union, 

But, sir, the Union is dissolved. Dissolved; not one, two or 
three, but some six or seven States have united themselves to- 
gether to form another Union, called the Union of the Con- 
ft lerated States of the South, while Virginia yet remains a 
n iber of the Union, as it is. Then, sir, the question arises 
h. in this condition of things, what position is Virginia to as- 
sume? Is she to remain in that Union which has been dismem- 
bered — that Union which is lost, as I fear, and lost forever, or is 
she to unite herself and her destinies with the States of the 
South in that Union to which I have already referred — or is she 
to declare her own sovereignty and stand independent as one of 
the nations, not of the Confederated States, but as an indepen- 
dent nation; Virginia, alone and unconnected with any of the 
other States of this Union? 

Mr. President, actuated by the love and attachment which I 
have had for the Union, when I saw the evidence before me as 
it appeared in the political horizon, that the danger which now 
impends over us was coming upon us, I looked around me and 
endeavored to find if there \vas any heaUng balm for those 
wounds that had been inflicted upon us, in that Constitution 
which you and I, Mr. President, upon other occasions have 
sworn to support. I have looked to the instrument of the 
Union itself— the Constitution— and I find there a provision for 
the amendment of that Constitution to remedy any evils under 
which the country may labor. And, sir, I find that the atten- 
tion of the people of the whole country has been called to it in 
the Farewell Address of Washington. I will now call the at- 
tention of this body to that language and to the remedy to which 
I have referred: 

" To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a govern- 
ment for the whole is indispensable. No alliance, however 
strict between the parts, can be an adequate substitute; they 
must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions 



5 

which all alliances;, in all time, have experienced. Sensible of 
this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, 
by the adoption of a Constitution of government better calcu- 
lated than your former for an intimate Union, and for the effica- 
cious management of your common concerns. This Govern- 
ment, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and un- 
awed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, 
completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, 
uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a pro- 
vision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confi- 
dence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance 
with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined 
by the fundamental maxhns of true liberty. The bases of our 
political systems, is the right of the people to make and to alter 
their constitutions of government: but the Constitution which 
at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act 
of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very 
idea of the power, and the right of the people to establish g(r 
vernment, pre-supposes the duty of every individual to. obey '^.« 
established government." 

That was the doctrine which you and I, Mr. President, 
learned when we were young men. That was the doctrine 
which some of those around me learned, whose venerable ap- 
pearance give an imposing dignity to this assembly. I say, sir, 
that is the doctrine taught me by the language of the Father of 
his country. Pardon me, then, if I say I rely more upon him 
than upon the teachings of those of the present day, who discard 
the sentiments that were uttered by the very men who built up 
this, the mightiest fabric of free government that ever existed 
upon the face of the earth. 

I will now submit, in connection with the remarks I intend to 
make, and for the consideration of this Convention, some reso- 
lutions, which I have prepared as embodying my views: 

Resolved, That in view of the provisions of the 5th article of 
the Constitution of the United States it was eminently wise and 
proper that the Southern States should, in concert, have pro- 
posed amendments to the same, so as to have effectually secured 
a settlement of the present unhappy difficulties which disturb 
the peace of the country. 

Resolved, That it is the duty of Virginia now to invite the 
cooperation of all the slaveholding States, upon the border, so as 
to provide measures for their concurrent action hereafter. 

Resolved, That Virginia is attached to the Union as it was, 
but that it does not protect her rights as it is — that it becomes 
her people in Convention assembled to look to every remedy for 
relief, and then to provide^ also_, in the event of a failure, for the 



future relations she is to occupy, having a due regard to her po- 
sition as one of the States of the South. 

I say, then, in connection witli what I have here read, it was 
my ardent desire, when this controversy was commenced, that 
an appeal should have been made by the legislatures of all the 
Southern States, to the Northern States, in Congress assembled; 
and, sir, under the 5th Article of the Constitution Avhich pro- 
vides for its own amendment, such proceedings could have been 
had as Avould have insured, perhaps, peace, harmony and quite 
to our country. Now, sir, I respectfully ask the attention of the 
Convention to the article of the Constitution itself: 

"The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both. Houses shall 
deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to this Constitu- 
tion, or, on the application of the legislatures of two-thirds of 
the several States, shall call a Convention for proposing amend- 
ments, which, in either case, shall be valid to all intents and 
purposes, as part of this Constitution, when ratified by the le- 
gislatures of three-fourths of the several States, or by Conven- 
tions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of 
ratification may be proposed by the Congress." 

Here then are those printed directions to which he who was 
first in their hearts, in his last moments, called the attention of 
the people, when he laid his hand upon them and gave them his 
parting blessing. Sir, I have been attached to this Union, and 
if I could make it as it was designed to be by those who in- 
stituted it, this day I would fling to the breeze the stars and 
stripes, and let them float in triumph from the Arostook to the 
Rio Grande, from the Atlantic to the Pacific. 

But, sir, I said that the Union was dissolved. Dissolved 
how? Not by a trial of the remedies which had been prescribed, 
in the printed directions to which I have called the attention of 
the Convention; and I say that there is no warrant in the con- 
stitution itself by reason of anything contained in it by which a 
State has the right to secede from this Union so as to alter the 
basis of our system. 

I will now quote from another distinguished statesman, scarcely 
less distinguished, indeed, than Washington himself — a states- 
man who was known as the father of the Constitution. I am 
not now going into a discussion of the ri^ht of secession on the 
part of any State of the Union. I do not consider that it is ne- 
cessary to discuss that question now, and I will defer it until the 
question comes to be considered by the Convention directly. I 
shall now proceed to quote the opinion of Mr. Madison: 

''Should the provisions of the Constitution as here reviewed, 
be found not to secure the government and rights of the States, 
against usurpations and abuses on the part of the United States, 
the final resort within the purview of the Constitution, lies in an 



amendment of the Constitution^ according to a process applica- 
ble by the States, 

^^ And in the event of a failure of every Constitutional resort, 
and an accumulation of usurpations and abuses, rendering pas- 
sive obedience and non-resistance a greater evil than resistance 
and revolution, there can remain but one resort, the last of all; 
an appeal from the cancelled obligations of the constitutional 
compact to original rights and the law of self preservation. This 
is the ultima ratio under all governments, whether consolidated, 
confederated, or a compound of both; and it cannot be doubted 
that a single member of the Union, in the extremity supposed, 
but in that only, would have a right, as an extra and ultra-con- 
stitutional right, to make the appeal." ■ 

Now, sir, whose doctrine is that? Who is it that appeals to 
you in such earnest terms to remember that the Constitution 
provides for its own amendment? It is that distinguished man 
whom but to name is to call up a feeling of reverence in the 
heart of every man in this assembly. James Madison himself 
has held this language, and he has clothed it in characters al- 
most of living light, so that he who runs may read. 

I believe, then, in the doctrine of self-preservation, in the right 
to defend my life, my liberty, my honor and my property — in the 
right to defend the life, liberty and property of my wife and chil- 
dren. Yes, sir; it is oTie of those rights that He who made and 
fashioned us as we are, has .never taken from us; but it is an ex- 
tra and ultra constitutional right which as a citizen remains with 
you, because you have tlie power as one of his creatures to pre- 
serve that which He gave you. Then, sir, this is my doctrine. 
Still, I hold in the highest respect gentlemen around me who 
maintain a different opinion, and I tell them, sincerely and 
frankly, as I feel that I believe the doctrine which I maintain leads 
to the same results and will accomplish the same purpose that they 
desire. Will you tell me if I hold this doctrine, and proceed to 
carry it out, that I will be hung as a rebel against the Govern- 
ment? Will you tell me that I am liable to be tried for treason, 
because I entertain these opinions, which were the doctrines of 
Washington and Madison? If that makes me a rebel, then they 
were rebels also. But let me ask gentlemen around me, who 
hold the opposite opinion, are you not liable to be arrested as 
traitors also, if you hold the doctrine of secession. I should 
like to know what better security these secessionists can have 
than the doctrine of the right of revolution. It was this very 
doctrine of the right of revolution that brought us through that 
glorious struggle which gave us our independence, and which 
made us a great, mighty and a free people — that doctrine upon 
which I will stand side by side with you in vindication of the 



honor, the integrity, the rights and the privileges of this glo- 
rious old Commonwealth and of the whole South, 

But, sir, I desire to see peace and harmony established in this 
Confederacy, or this Union as it was; because, as I have said, I 
loved the Union, I loved it as the proudest heritage that could 
be bequeathed by parents to their children; 1 loved it for the glo- 
ries of its past history — for those names made illustrious by deeds 
which are emblazoned upon all that is connected with the Revo- 
lutionary struggle; I loved it, too, because its fair daughters, 
those of Massachusetts and those who lived upon the banks of 
the Connecticut, with their sisters of Virginia, as well as those 
all over this broad land have bedewed with their tears the shrine 
at Mount Vernon, have knelt around that hallowed spot and sent 
up their aspirations together to the Home of the Most High for 
the welfare and protection of this people. 

But Mr. President, if I were to refer to the causes which have 
produced the present state of things, I should certainly depart 
from that line which I have thought proper to pursue in this 
Convention. A reference to the history of the unfortunate diffi- 
culties in which we are now involved might call up reminis- 
cences in the minds of some of this body that might be unplea- 
sant to remember. Let us then bury this question as to what 
causes have produced the present strife, *nd let us rather act the 
part of the wise men in the temple who took care of the jewels 
without stopping to inquire who had applied the torch that pro- 
duced the conflagration. I say, sir, that all such inquiries and 
all such allusions as these are irrelevant upon this occasion. Let 
us come up to the great work before us and endeavor so to dis- 
charge our duty here as that we may have the consciousness 
that we have done all that duty and love of our country required 
us to do. 

In referring, as I shall not, but remembering the causes which 
have produced this unhappy state of affairs, we cannot but be 
reminded to-day as we sit in this hall, that Abraham Lincoln is 
President of the United States, or will be in a few days — to fill 
the place — once filled by the noble dead. It becomes me here 
to say, in connection with this painful subject, that I have antici- 
pated better things of Mr. Lincoln than those foreshadowed in 
the speeches which he has made in his journey to Washington. 
It becomes me to say, that I knew him well some twelve years 
since. I am perhaps the only member in this hall, or the only 
person within the sound of my voice who does know him well. 
It was my chance, as it was my duty, to serve with him in Con- 
gress upon the same committee for two years. Whatever may 
have been our want of associations in some respect, yet, there 
is not a gentleman within the sound of my voice — a member of 



9 

this or any other dehberative body, who does not know that from 
the kind of intercourse which exists between the members of a 
committee of any legislative assemblage, each is able to judge 
somewhat, not only of the strength of intellect, but of the cha- 
racter and qualities of mind which those associated with him 
may possess. ' Well, sir, I say — and I think it is due to him 
that I should say it — that I regarded Mr. Lincoln as industrious 
and attentive to his duties— a man of fair talents, which I have 
no doubt he employed to the satisfaction and interests of his 
constituents; I Avill say farther, that there was no man upon that 
committee who worked with more diligence or who more faith- 
fully discharged his duties: and he argued with great ability 
many of the complicated questions which arose for discussion. 
I have said this of him as 1 have said it upon other occasions, 
and however much I may have deprecated his election as one of 
the greatest evils which could befall the country, and however 
much I strove to avert that evil, yet I have spoken of him and 
of my acquaintance with him, as I would of any other indi- 
vidual with whom my bnsiuess associations had made me ac- 
quainted. But, sir, I must say, if the accounts which I read of 
his speeches since he set out upon his journey from Springfield to 
Wasliington be correct, that [ was deceived in the character, the 
pretensions, the abilities and the strength Of intellect of Abraham 
Lincoln. It is revolting to every sense of propriety, that a man, 
elevated to so distinguished a station as this, should have made 
the exhibition which he has of himself, at every station and at 
every point Avhere he has been called upon to address his fellow- 
citizens. 1 had supposed, from 1113^ estimate of his character, 
that he would at least have had that sort of knowledge of him- 
self, and of those around him, as would have induced him to 
keep silent, but I must confess now, that I have not even the 
hope of his silence in the future, and I am almost ready to say, 
not even the hope of his forbearance. 

When we contemplate the fact, as it is, that he is President 
of the United States, elected as he was upon a sectional plat- 
form, with these questions distracting and disturbing the coun- 
try as they do, the inquiry may very properly be made, where is 
Virginia to go ? As I said a while since, 1 do not now propose 
to discuss the question of that peculiar doctrine entertained by 
some in regard to the right of secession. The evil is near upon 
us, and the question presented to our minds now is, what shall 
be the course of this old Commonwealth of ours? I might 
here say, in connection with the remarks. in relation to Mr. 
Lincoln, that he is not the only man about the City of Wash- 
ington who, at this time, seems to have been possessed of a 
strange sort of hallucination, that there was danger of force 
being used by Virginia and Maryland, to prevent his inau- 



10 

guration. But I do not believe that there is within the broad 
limits of this Commonwealth, a man who is entitled to the 
claim of ordinary intelligence, who has entertained the idea 
of preventing the inauguration of Lincoln by force. While Vir- 
»ginia, then, has entertained no such thought, she can never fail 
to remember that the 4th o[ March is in the calendar, and that it 
is a day which has called forth, unhappily for us, the exercise of 
that power, which belongs to the Government of calling to its aid 
and service her own war-worn veteran and soldier, Virginia's 
own son, \Thom the State of Virginia has deemed worthy of her 
thanks,. and as worthy to Avear a sword — patriotic as I believe 
him to be, and as honest as his purposes were — it is unfortunate, 
in the distracted state of affairs as they exist at this time, that 
Gen. Scott was called to the City of Washington to direct the 
operations of a nn'litary force on such an occasion. 1 will pledge 
to Abraham Lincoln my right hand, that there is not a man 
within the limits of this State who intends to prevent by force 
his inauguration. Then, I say, it was unfortunate that this 
thing should have been done — to add excitement to that which 
already existed. 

I only say, sir, in relation to the subject, as 1 am now speaking 
in reference to that particular point, that while no such, thing is 
contemplated, and no such purpose is entertained, yet whenever 
the power of that army in Washington or elsewhere is brought 
to bear upon this Commonwealth under the guise of executing 
the laws by force in opposition to the will of this people, all the 
sympathie's of this Convention will be aroused for the honor of 
the State, and they will, stand here united as one man. I say 
here, if any coercion were attempted to be used upon this sub- 
ject, while this State was deliberating, if any force wore to be 
applied so as to attempt to overawe our deliberations, either di- 
rectly or indirectly, there is not a man, I believe, in this Conven- 
tion, who would not feel that his own rights were assailed. I 
do not care what you may say about the theory that the Govern- 
ment must execute its laws. I say that when a great and free 
people, as we are, are deliberating upon a question of life or 
death, we do not intend to stand by and see our rights trampled 
upon under the pretext that the Government has the power to do 
so under the Constitution of the United States. 

But we are to be reconciled, as we are told by some gentlemen, 
and we are to go out of this Union upon the idea that we are to 
be taken care, of in the Southern Confederacy. How is this 
thing to be accomplished? I now approach this subject in no 
spirit of captiousness — I make no allusion to those gentlemen, 
who but a few days since addressed this Convention in a manner 
that must have been acceptable to every one who heard their ar- 
guments, however much any gentleman here may have differed 



11 

from them. They came here clothed with an authority which 
we were bound to respect, and for their gentlemanly deportment 
and bearing which they exhibited here and everywhere in their 
intercourse with Virginians, 1 will say, that whatever destiny 
awaits me, whether I am to be separated from them or united 
with them, 1 shall ever entertain for them the highest respect, 

I ask you whether the argument which has been addressed to 
you from other quarters is one which is to be adopted without 
grave and. serious consideration. Go at once and without inquiry 
into a confederacy of the South! What is the argument which 
gentlemen bring to sustain it? They set out with the proposition, 
that a people, to be free and to maintain their rights and liberties 
in all time," must have the same interests, and that there must be 
a sort of homogeneousness in the population . What is the argu- 
ment in favor of this id^a? They tell you that all the slave labor 
will be required to cultivate the cotton of the South, and when 
they have taken the slave by the hand and carried him to a 
Southern market, with the other hand they would supply his 
place with the Yankee. That is the argument which has been 
employed by some of those who advocate a Southern Confede- 
racy. Does not the argument destroy itself? They have not 
told us, in all the arguments addrelSsed to us, that the people 
whom they propose to bring here are not congenial, in their dis- 
position and nature, to the people of the South. What, sir, re- 
concile Virginia to this process, which they propose to inaugu- 
rate, and by which all our slave labor is to be carried off, and at 
tlie same time tell us, in order to keep our slaves as our property, 
and prevent them from going over the border, it will be neces- 
sary to establish a line of military posts all along the banks of 
the Ohio river. Is this the argument that is to be addressed to 
Virginians? Excuse me, Mr. President, and gentlemen of the 
Convention, if I cannot appreciate an argument of this sort. 

Have we not been solemnly warned by some of our wisest 
statesmen to be jealous of these standing armies? We are told 
that it is to be the destiny of this great State; that in one alter- 
native your property is to be protected by the confederated States 
establishing upon your borders a line of military posts, and lest 
that argument might not avail, they then tell you that in process 
of time your whole State will be depleted of its slaves. Cotton, 
they have told us, is King; but when they have tauntingly pro- 
claimed it — I make no reference to the Commissioners — have 
they told us how long his Majesty will remain upon the throne? 
While they have proclaimed that cotton was King, they have 
altugetiier failed to tell us tliat King Cotton has a rival, and a 
mighty rival, too, elsewhere. They have failed to tell us that 
the empire of Great Britain — "a power to which, for purposes 
^' of conquest and subjugation; Rome; in the height of her 



12 

^^ glory is not to be compared — a poAver whicli has dotted the 
^"^ surface of the globe all over with her military possessions, and 
'^ whose morning drum beat, following the sun, and keeping 
'^ time with the hours, circles the earth daily Vvdth one continuous 
"^ sound and strain with her martial airs-" they have failed to 
tell us that this mighty power, which never makes a treaty with- 
out regard to her own interests, has now extended her acquisi- 
tions and made treaties with nations that can supply this article 
of cotton. 

I want to call the attention of the Convention, for a m.oment, 
while upon this subject, to some statistics which I have in refe- 
rence to it, and which have an important bearing upon the great 
interests of the State of Virginia, and more particularly the in- 
terests of the South, so far as the cotton question is concerned. 
These statistics go to show that Great Britain produces annually 
of manufactured articles from this raw material, in the shape of 
cotton cloth, two thousand millions of yards. How much of this 
do you suppose comes to the United States? She sends here 
177,000,000 of yards, while she sends to her East Indian colo- 
nies 500,000,000 of yards, or one quarter of the whole amount 
she makes. Now, sir, is it to be supposed, when she has esta- 
blished her empire in Indiai^ when she has placed her foot upon 
the Celestial Empire, and where, by the force of her arms, she 
is about to make the people of the sun contribute to the support 
of her manufactures in Manchester — that she is a proper guar- 
dian for the interests of Southern men and Southern rights and 
Southern institutions? How, sir, will the English Government 
extend her fostering care over the Southern Confederacy? A 
nation, permit me to say, with all the kindly feelings which I 
have towards it, as has been said by some writer upon the 
subject, will alwa^^s make good her record upon the abolition 
of slavery throughout the world as in her own colonies. As to 
the opinion which she holds upon that subject, you need but re- 
fer to the account as published in the papers of the treatment 
extended to x\lr. Dallas, our Minister to England, some little time 
since, at a public entertainment, one, to whose kindness, courtesy, 
integrity and great worth as a private citizen and as a public 
man, some gentlemen I see before me can bear witness from 
their intercourse with him. In his venerable appearance, even 
more remarkable than any man I see in this assemblage, he was 
made to feel in the presence of the representatives of the crowned 
heads of Europe, that he was the representative of a Government 
where the institution of slavery existed, and which their Wilber- 
force had held up to the reprobation of the world. Will you talk 
to me, then, about the South looking to England for aid in her 
attempt to establish a Southern Confederacy? 

I see before me a gentleman from the city of Petersburg, (Mr. 



13 

Branch,) and I know he will excuse me for calhng his attention 
for one moment to that grave interest with wliich he has some 
acquaintance. Let me ask this gentleman, and other gentlemen 
of the Convention, who are interested in the cukure of the arti- 
cle of tobacco, whether they can expect any sympathy from 
England, in any aid she may extend towards this article of 
commerce? Let me tell you tliat that mother country, England, 
whose protection is to be invoked for the South, levies the enor- 
mous amount of 800 per cent, upon this article, before it goes 
into the mouth of the consumer. 

I would speak here, sir, of another great interest of Virginia, 
which is represented by a friend who sits near me, (Mr. Caper- 
ton.) But before I do so, permit me to say, that until within a 
few years past, but a few months, I should say, I had a very in- 
adequate conception of the power, wealth and influence of this 
glorious old Commonwealth of Virginia. Famihar as I was 
with her history, and with her growth and advance in all that 
makes a great State, I did not dream that Virginia had such re- 
sources as she has, and I feel prouder of her now than before — 
proud that I can call her mother; and, sir, as was eloquently said 
by my colleague upon the other side of the house, ^Mier destiny 
shall be my destiny, where she goes, I \vi\\ go; and if I perish, 
I will perish only upon her bosom, and be buried with her." 

But, sir, I was aliout to refer to another interest — an interest 
not peculiar to the county which you represent, Mr. President, 
but to many other counties of the Commonwealth, and the East 
as well as the West. I allude to the staple of wheat; and then, 
too, there is an immense stock grazing county in Virginia, to 
which I referred. Are these interests to be disregarded under the 
assumption that Cotton is King and that everything else must 
boAV with bended knee before it? I want tobacco, wheat and 
the interests of 'a grazing country to receive consideration in this 
grave question of what is to be the destiny of this people? Are 
you to be told that your stock, your cattle, wheat and tobacco, 
which you have taken from your farms, in whatever form it may 
be, cannot enter the ports of Boston, Philadelphia or New York, 
because we have made them aliens and strangers to us? I ask 
you if Virginia would not place herself in a predicament she 
little dreams of at present, that would affect her most material 
interest, when she determines to go out of this Union, without 
due deliberation. I want the Union as it was or as it Avas de- 
signed to be, that gives me the happiness and the privilege of 
going anywhere within its broad limits without a passport. I 
want a Union that has sympathy with my rights and my in- 
terest. I want a Union that will protect my industry; I do not 
mean protect it by the imposition of duties, but which will allow 
that intercourse which should exist between every member of 



14 

this Confederacy, by which I can exchange, without reference 
to duties, my commodities for those which other people have to 
spare. 

But, sir, I cannot dwell upon a subject of so much moment, 
because I shall consume more time than I had allotted to myself 
when I commenced my remarks. As I see some gentlemen 
before me w!io are capable of answering some of the questions I 
have put, let me ask them, if we are at once to go out of this 
Union without any regard to the North, and our affections are 
to be concentrated upon the South — tell me., how is Virginia to 
get there? Some gentlemen tell us that they would not wait a 
moment- that Virginia must go now, now. How will she get 
to Montgomery, Alabama? Are you to' negotiate for a transit 
route across North Carolina and Tennessee? Kentucky and 
Tennessee have not gone out, and I think that one of those 
States has determined that she will not go out. Suppose, Mr. 
President, when von go home you tell your constituents that we 
have made a government by which Virginia is to become a part 
of the Confederated States of the South, and they ask you — 
"how, Mr. Janney, are you to get there?" Vvhy, sir, you 
could not answer the question. You could not, as a statesman, 
go Jiome and tell your people that you had taken the chances of 
North Carolina following your lead. If we could negotiate and 
get through Tennessee and North Carolina, how are we to pass 
the frowning battlements of Portress Monroe and the Rip-Raps? 
It is true we should claim them — they must go where Virginia 
goes. Suppose that you should pass them in safety — these forts 
that belong now to the Government of the United States — are 
y^ou to pursue a winding course aloaig the coast of North CaVo- 
iina, and to land at Charleston? Why, sir, those pilots down 
about Elizabeth City would tell you that they .could not take 
your vessel into the port of Charleston, until Charleston has 
her lights up. They will tell you that she has virtually block- 
aded her own ports against her own commerce, and the com- 
merce of the world. Will your vessel land in Savaimah? She 
might, but, sir, you would encounter these fleets of the North. 
They would then be strangers to us, though they may have been 
our national allies in times past. Can we go through North Ca- 
rolina and Tennessee to get to the Capital of the South? I want 
gentlemen to answer me this question. Sir, all these difficulties 
may be accommodated by the policy of a conference of the bor- 
der slave States which my proposition suggests. That is the way 
in which to treat our equals of the border States. If there is 
anything that could be calculated to throw obstacles in the way 
of an adjustment of the difliculties which would be likely to 
arise with North Carolina and Tennessee, they should be first 
adjusted. 



15 

It would seem to be the impression of some gentlemen here 
that, when Virginia shall go, North Carolina and Tennessee will 
follow. I know, sir, the people of these States well, and I tell 
you that if there is anything above another that they dislike, it is 
the assumption of any superiority on the part of Virginia over 
them. I claim that they are our equals — I mean the States of 
North Carolina and Tennessee. They are the equals of Vir- 
ginia in this Union, her equals in the matter of State rights and 
{State principles. I claim this for these States; I claim it, sir, 
for the smallest States; I claim it for the States of Delaware and 
Maryland— .smaller though they be, in the area of scpiare miles 
only. 

And here, sir, I will observe that I saw the other day in a 
newspaper an article which brought to my mind some remarks 
which I heard repeated elsewhere. It relates to the elements 
which constitute a State, and the ciuestion was asked and an- 
swered. 

" WHAT CONSTITUTES A STATE ? 

" Not high raised battlements, labored mound, 

Thick wall or moated gate ; 
Not cities, proud with spires and turrets crowned ; 

Not bays and broad armed ports. 
Where, laughing at the storm, rich navies ride ; 

Not starred and spangled courts, 
Whcrp low bred baseness wafts perfume to pride; 

No, men — high minded men — 
With powers as far above dull brutes indued, 

In forest brake oi- den. 
As beasts excel cold rocks or brambles rude ; 

Men, who their duties know. 
But know their rights, and knowing, dare maintain. 

Prevent the long aimed blow, 
And crush the tyrant while they rend the chain. 

These constitute a State 
. And Spvereigu law, that State's collected will. 

O'er thrones and globes elate. 
Sits Empress, crowning good, repressing ill." 

These, sir, are the, elements of true greatness in States. 
Then, if you proceed upon the assumption of superiority for 
Virginia over any other State in this Union, by determining that 
you will go out without consulting them, you destroy the best 
opportunity that could be aftbrdcd for adjusting one of the most 
unfortunate difficulties that has ever existed. 

Then, sir, I say that I am for a consultation with the border 
States of the South. There Ave can take steps to form and pro- 
pose our own Constitution and secure to ourselves our own sa- 
cred rights of persons and property. If six States of the South 
had a right to act; if they have a right to meet at Montgomery 
and adopt a Constitution which they say is alone to govern 
them — have we not a right, in like manner, to consult together 



16. 

in the City of Lexington in relation to onr rights, and to pro- 
pose a Constitution also? And ask them to adopt It? 1 have no 
idea myself, sir^ of being compelled to go anywhere. I will only 
consent to go where my interest hes, and my duty and honor 
requires me to go. If Mr. Lincoln should tell me that I would 
be compelled to yield unqualified obedience to him, I would 
point him to that proud flag Avhich now iloats over this hall — a 
flag which has upon one side a shield, and a virgin upon the 
other. The purity of the one, and the strength and durability 
of the other, will be ever sufficient to inspire respect and to pro- 
tect every citizen of Virginia, native or adopted, against any co- 
ercive policy that Abraham Lincoln may attempt. We, sir, 
should feel a perfect sense of security in our own strength, aL 
though we should hear the notes of the muffled drum that 
marked the tread of those who came to call us to execution. 

Notwithstanding this power and position which all will be 
ready to concede that Virginia possesses — notwithstanding her 
great resources — I ask you if she is to precipitate herself into a 
connection with her sister States of the South, upon the idea 
that they alone hold interests in common with us? Do you 
know that you would be welcomed? Do you know, although 
it is proposed that you should unite with the seceded States, that 
you would be received with that kindness and cordiality which 
every Virginian would expect to meet when he went into the 
house of his friend? It has been the practice of gentlemen 
here, to read newspaper extracts to sustain their arguments. I 
trust that I may be permitted to do so, though I confess that, as 
a general thing, these extracts do not convey any decided proof 
i' the facts which they undertake to treat upon. 

I will, however, read for the information of this Convention, 
an article from the Charleston Mercury, which is regarded as the 
organ of the Southern States, at least of the State of South 
Carolina. 

Speaking of Virginia, the Mercury says: 

'^ She is completely demoralized in the estimation of the South ; 
and no Southern State, intent on vindicating her rights and pre- 
serving her institutions, would go into a conference with her. 
She has placed the Union above the rights and institutions of 
the South, and will only seek a conference with the Southern 
States in order to bring them down to the level of her fatal Union 
policy. Virginia and the other frontier States may as well at 
once understand their position with the cotton States. They are 
not expected to aid the cotton States in protecting themselves and 
redeeming their liberties. They will practically aid the North- 
ern States in attempting to obtain in the South an acqiescence in 
the rule of abolitionists at Washington. The Southern States, 
however, will disregard their counsels. They want no conference 



lY 

hut in the Convention which will assemble to frame the Constitu- 
tion, and complete the organization of a Southern Confederacy . 
They intend to secede from the Union, and construct a Union 
among themselves." 

This is the language of one of the leading journals of one of 
the leadmg States of the confederated Republic of the South. 
These were the sentiments then entertained by those who were 
a part and parcel of the State. I will not say that they were the 
sentiments of those gentlemen who appeared before this Conven- 
tion, for the frankness and courtesy which marked the demeanor 
of those gentlemen, aud the character for sincerity to which they 
are entitled would repel any such idea. 

But, sir, should we go into that Southern confederated nation, 
can anybody tell us how long we are to remain there? They 
tell you that the Government at Montgomery has adopted a tem- 
porary Constitution or form of Government. Has it attracted 
the attention of those around me that that very Constitution has 
laid the foundation for an interminable strife in relation to this 
very question Avhich is the subject matter of dispute here. The 
Constitution of these confederated States of the South, as I un- 
derstand, provides that their Congress shall have the power to 
regulate the slave trade, and the power is reserved by Con- 
gress to forbid it altogether as between the Southern Confederacy 
and any of the States not now members of it. The very thing 
against which Ave have been contending, as one of the powers 
of this General Government, of which we are members, is to be 
incorporated into the Constitution of this new Union of the 
South. I ask, under this view of the case, if we are to rush out 
of this Union, in hot haste, without knowing where we are i 
go? I would hope not.(' I love the Union, not as it is, but as it 
was, and as it was designed to be, and I would try and have the 
abuses, of which we all complain, corrected. We must have 
the assurance of the North to that effect, and they must give us 
security for the future, if they cannot give us indemnity for the 
past. How, then, is such a result to be accomplished? Let the 
border States make a Constitution which shall protect their pro- 
perty in all time, present it as their plan, and then invite all the 
States of this Union to come and unite with them in its adop- 
tion — invite all — stop not at the Hudson, as some gentlemen 
would do. I say I would invite all, but they must come in upon 
the terms which we prescribe, but with nothing exacted of them 
which is not fair and proper in itself. 

But gentlemen talk about a diversity of interests as being irre- 
concilable to such an union. Why, sir, the philosophy of British 
statesmen has long since shown that a diversity of interests in a 
greai republic or a great nation is what makes a people great and 
njighty. I do not mean a diversity of purpose in regard to a pe- 



18. 

cnliar institution, such as slavery, but in reference to other inte- 
rests such as those with which Virginia is connected as one of the 
members of this Union, in connexion with national resources 
and power. There cannot be in all respects an identity of inte- 
rests. There are diversities in tliis regard in families, in coun- 
tries, in States and in nations. And let me ask, because of- 
diversities in the social or political system, wonld you, therefore, 
make this an argnment against the system itself? Why, sir, 
carry out such an idea, and you would destroy everything that 
you hold near and dear, and you would destroy many of the re- 
lations that you now hold most sacred. Such a feeling that a 
diversity of interests could not exist here when applied to our 
State, to the interests of the East and the West, would be calcu- 
lated, above all things, to stir up strife, and that kind of feeling 
which should not exist between the citizens of the same Slate, 
having the same conunon destiny. I am sure no such feeling 
exists between the East and the West. I would be no more 
willing to part with Maryland, with Western Virginia, with 
Kentucky, with Tennessee or North Carolina, than I would be 
willing to part with any dear and honored friend who had 
accompanied me thus far along the journey of life, and to whom 
I had been indebted hr the many good courtesies vx^hich had 
strewn blessings in my path — with the sons of the West 1 will 
never part. 

I was proceeding to say something of the provisional govern- 
ment of the South, and I would ask what assurance is there that 
such provisional government is to remani the government; of the 
Confederated States of the South? Is it not a government that 
is only temporarily established? Have these gentlemen in the 
South, who complain of the North, and rightfully complain, 
too — a comi)laint which I do not stand here to except to — ever 
asked themselves the question whether they have always been 
true to the interest of Virginia, true to that Constitution which 
these gentlemen tell us in this confederated republic of the South 
gives assurance to the people of Virginia, that her rignts in all 
time are to be protected? Have they been under this Constitu- 
tion, and the laws made in pursuance of it, faithful in their 
observance? In defiance of the ahied navies of England and 
France and our own country, although we have a law here 
against the importation of Africans from abroad, we have found 
that they have been landed upon Southern soil, and we have 
found that this law, written upon the statute book; almost with 
letters of blood, and with the severest penalties attached to it, 
that could be intlicted, has been violated, and that when juries 
have been found unwilling to convict, judges had it not in their 
power to punish. 

Let me ask, is Virginia to be secured against such violations 



19 

of law by the making of a new confederated Southern RepubHc, 
when she has not been able to protect her rights upon this great 
and vital questioii? We have already been informed that this 
was one of the great subjects for discussion — one of the great 
interests which was to be looked after in future — the reopening 
of the African slave trade. I ask gentlemen around me, when 
we get into the confederated Union of the South, and when Vir- 
ginia, with the other Border States, will be as five to nine, I ask 
if it be not in the power of that confederated Union of the 
South, to alter that Constitution, though she has told us by 
her temporary government that the slave trade is to be pro- 
hibited? Will not their interest lead them to go to the mar- 
ket where they can buy the cheapest and where they can sell . 
the dearest? Hav^e not these gentlemen always preached this 
doctrine and called our attention to it? Whore, let me ask, 
is the market wherein you can buy the cheapest? It is in the 
valley of the Congo; and the market Avherein you can sell the 
dearest, in the valley of the Mississippi. With these competing 
forces by which we are surrounded, with a cordon of free States 
here upon one side, and a repelling force upon the other, Vir- 
ginia will be placed in a position to perform the office of a bag- 
gage master upon a railway train, who has no interest in the 
general luggage, except to perform the bidding of those who 
earploy him. Virginia is to stand here, as we are told, and help 
the South to repel the forces of the North. She is to stand 
guard at the military posts on her borders, to watch the interests 
of the South. She is to perform this duty as an agent for the 
benefit of others, at the instance, as they tell us, of the confede- 
rated States of the. South. 

Let me present the question in another point of view. After 
referring to the reopening of the African slave trade, and the 
competition which must necessarily be induced by the reopening 
of that trade, let me ask, in all candor, how is the security of 
Virginia to be promoted? How is it to be promoted by bringing 
Canada to the border? 

1 have already indicated to you what my course in the outset 
would have been — that 1 would Viave asked these people of the 
North to have met Virginia in consultation, as provided by the 
5th article of the Constitution. If they had not responded to 
the invitation, and the slave States had sent their Commissioners 
to this Convention and proposed amendments to the Constitution, 
how would you stand? The invitation being extended to, and 
not responded to by the North, the whole South would to-day 
stand upon the vantage ground, and the very fact of the North 
havdng refused, would have rendered us in the South united, 
and, therefore, invincible. You would have presented here to- 
day the great, high and noble moral spectacle to the worlds not 



20 

of a divided people;, but of a people united everywhere; from the 
banks of the Ohio to the capes of Florida. If the demand 
which we would unitedly make, should be withheld from us, 
after we asked the North, in the manner and form pointed out 
by the Constitution, Virginia would not present those divisions 
in her councils which it is manifest now exist. Moreover, this 
unity of sentiment on her part would have restored peace and 
confidence long since, instead of tlie general uncertainty which 
now prevails. 

I believe in the cooperation of the border slave States now, as 
I have believed from the beginning, and do now believe in the 
cooperation of all the States with them, when we make the plan 
our own and invite them to participate. But, as I said before, 
that cooperation must be accomplished upon a plan that is right 
and just to all the States. If the seceded States have cooperated 
among themselves, I ask Avhether we should not assemble to- 
gether and determine whether Virginia will go off alone, or 
whether we will take into our company the States of North Ca- 
rolina and Tennessee and the other border slave States? Tell 
me not that there is no time now to talk about this thing; that 
the time for action has arrived. The time for action? How? 
Why, sir, as I have endeavored to show, the month of March 
is no mote in the calendar, so far as tlie application of any force 
to our dfliberatinns by the Government is concerned, than the 
month of May last. The mere accession of Lincoln to power can- 
not and ought not precipitate our deliberations hero. If it were 
necessary, to accomplish a good, to restore the Union, we might 
deliberate here day after day until the 4tli of March, IS62, with- 
out being afiected by any apprehensions of force or disturbance 
through the agency of the. Federal Government, if Mr. Lin- 
coln's advisers are to be heard, or if Mr. Buchanan is to be be- 
lieved. I have no idea of being hurried into revolution, however 
prompdy I would wish to act under any influence of this sort. 
The fact that Mr. Lincoln will be President of the United States, 
while it may enter our minds and form part of our delibera- 
tions, has nothing to do with precipitating our action, unless he 
should indicate at once a line of coercive policy. No, sir; and I 
will here observe, that a singular coincidence of opinion exists 
between certain gentlemen who are in favor of precipitate ac- 
tion and the great high priest of freesoilism, in reference to the 
probability of hostilities. I merely refer to this in order to disa- 
buse the public mind of an idea that seems to have taken hold 
of it, that there is danger of an attempt to coerce the Cotton 
States. These States being now united, I insist that they can- 
not be forced into submission, and that an attempt to coerce 
them must not be made. Five millions of people, of whom 
nearly one-third, if not more, are able and willing to shoulder 



21 

their muskets, can never be snbjugated while fighting round 
their hearth stones. If eight States, having five millions of 
people, choose to separate from ns, they cannot be prevented or 
withheld from so doing by coercion. Why, sir, those who had 
never seen the article to which 1 shall now call the attention of 
the Convention, would suppose that it emanated fron:i one of the 
most decided secessionists within the sound of my voice. But 
it is the doctrine and declaration of Horace Greeley himself It 
is the language which that philosopher and editor employs, and 
which he puts into his journal, wlijch is read by his 500,000 
followers. 

He tells you thnt an attempt to coerce five millions of men is 
preposterous and absurd, and that it can never be done. 

Horace Greely says: — ''But if the Cotton States generally 
unite with her in seceding, ice insist that they cannot he pre- 
vented, and that the attempt must not be made. Five millions of 
people, more than half of them of the donjinant race, of whom- 
at least half a million are able and willing to shoulder muskets, 
can never be subdued ichile fighting aromid and over their own 
hearth-stones.''^ 

Mr. Morton — What is the date of the paper in which that ex- 
tract appeared? 

Ml'. GoGGiN — I think the paper containing it Avas published in 
November last. I don't pretend to know, nor have I under- 
taken to ascertain what are Greely's opinions now. Whatever 
they are, I am prepaied to say to my friend from Orange (Mr. 
Morton) that they are bad enough. I merely refer to his 
opinions as given in this extract to show what the sentiment 
was among the party, of which this paper is the organ, at the 
time it was written. It was then, I felt assured, a correct 
opinion, however much its author may vary from it now, under 
the force of expediency or party obligations. I have very litde 
faith in him, and very little faith in the sincerity or consistency 
of any of those who minister round the altar of the pohtical fana- 
ticism that prevails at the North. 

But, sir, apart from this authoritj^, we have before us the fact 
that the administration that is just going out of power has dis- 
tinctly stated that it had no power to coerce a State. I have seen 
it stated that Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Buchanan have had an inter- 
view recently in the city of Washington, but whether they 
entertain the same opinion on this question of coercion, I am 
unable to say. That will doubtless soon be ascertained. I am 
satisfied that the feeling which animates every member of this 
Convention, is that with the power which belongs to Georgia, 
and the other States associated with her in the new Confederacy, 
that neither liincoln, nor Mr. Buchanan, nor any other Presi- 
dent, will attempt to coerce them into obedience. As was very 



2^ 

well said by a friend of mine the other day, upon this floor, 
whatever may be our opinion as to the course of Virginia on the 
question of secession, she should be prepared for any emergency. 
I would tell the Convention in any event to prepare for action, 
because whatever difference of opinion may exist, this conside- 
ration should be, as I liave no doubt it is, paramount. Difl^er- 
ences of opinion should pass away in view of this necessity like 
chaff before the morning wind. 

Wednesday, February 27. 

The President having announced that the unfinished busi- 
ness was in order, 

Mr. GoGGiN said: — Mr. President, I feel very much indebted 
for the kindness and courtesy of the Convention, in having ad- 
journed over as it did yesterday, and to have thus given me an 
opportunity of resuming the remarks which I had not concluded 
when the Conve:-tion adjourned. 

Before I proceed, sir, to say what I design to say upon this 
occasion, I think it proper to express my thanks also to the re- 
porters of this body, who have in the main so very accurately 
reported the remarks which I had the honor to present to the 
Convention on yesterday. The general accuracy of the report, 
I think, is unquestionable. From sheer inability on my part, 
however, to make myself fully audible to the reporter, I find that 
there are some inaccuracies, unintentional, 1 have no doubt, and 
which could not have been avoided; but I do not propose now, 
however, to detain the Convention by any reference to them. 

On yesterday, sir, I presented in such a manner as I was ena- 
bled to do, some views which to my mind w^ere important in 
connection with the grave subjects which now distract the 
country. It is proper to say that, in presenting these views, £ 
did so in no partisan sense or with any purpose on my part to 
present views as embodying the sentiments upon which I may 
act when called upon to d6 so, if a state of things different from 
that now existing, should arise in the country. An erroneous 
impression seems to have prevailed in the minds of many in 
this Convention, and out of it, that it is the duty of the mem- 
bers of this body, like advocates at the bar, to support some par- 
ticular view of the cause of a client as presented by the testi- 
monv, or, like a candidate on the hustings, seeking the suffrages 
of the people, to come here and maintain some fixed principle 
of action without regard to events and circumstances, which 
are now of almost hourly occurrence. For my part, sir, I came 
with no feelings in my heart other than those which look alone 
to the maintenance of the honor of Virginia, and to the peace 
and prosperity of the country at large. As I said yesterday, I 
deem it my duty not to advocate any particular line of policy. 



23 

but to endeavor to do wiiat, under the circumstances, I might 
deem right and proper for the safety, the security, the prosperity 
and the happiness of this old Commonwealth; and in loolving 
to that, sir, I (eh that it was my duty also to look abroad and 
contemplate in the efforts which I should make here, the happi- 
ness and the prosperity of the whole country, of which the 
Commonwealth is part. 

I have thought it right, sir, to do what I presume every gen- 
tleman in the Convention has in view, to endeavor to impress 
upon the minds of men, reflections for argument, by presenting 
the particular views which may strike them as best calculated to 
accom[)lish what is for the interests of all; then by a comparison 
of views to elicit the fullest informotion on the questions which 
we are assembled here to discuss. 

That, sir, has been my purpose; and I would have it remem- 
bered by this Convention, sir, and by the country, that we come 
not here for the sake or purpose of making a constitutional go- 
vernment, or to adopt measures that are to bind the people of 
the State of Virginia. We sit here, as I understand, as that 
committee of twenty one (the Committee on Federal Relations) 
does in another room of this building, to compare opinions, to 
advise and consult with each other, and tlien to present to the 
great council at home the result of our deliberations, that those 
who sent us here may ratify or reject it, as they think proper. 

That is what I understand to be my duly, and 1 don't intend 
to be driven from it by any impression that may liave been made 
in the minds of any one — that I came here as the advocate of 
any particular line of policy or any particular school of politi- 
cians. I shall endeavor, sir, to do, as I have no doubt every 
member of this Convention will do — to act strictly in accordance 
with circumstances as they probably may soon be developed to 
us. 

I have said, sir, that T have been the friend of the Union, that 
I stood among those who believed that the Union was the true 
palladium of our liberty and of our prosperty : but I have indi- 
cated also, sir, at least I so intended, that whatever may be my 
devotion, respect and admiration of this Union, as it was, whei}- 
ever the time comes for Virginia no longer to be a part of that 
Union — if it shall come, when, having cahnlj and deliberately 
considered these disturbing topics which now distract the coun- 
try, she shall deternjine that siie will not remain, nor be a part 
of that Union, I would not only go where she goes, but I would 
be one of those that would lead her to where I believe it would 
be her duty to go. That, sir, I mean to do; and it is useless to 
tell me that it is expected that I am to pursue this or that course. 
I shall pursue the course, sir, which my conscience tells me is 
the course of the patriot and not of the mere partizan. 



94 

i endeavored yesterday to present some references to the sub- 
ject of the relations which the State of Virginia holds towards 
the other States of this Union, and the relations in which she 
may stand to the seceding States in particular, in a commercial 
aspect, and as it respects the effects to be produced by the 
circumstances or relations which have existed for so many 
years — years, in flict, which have established a course of trade 
in which Virginia has an interest peculiar to herself as a border 
State. 

Before proceeding to offer a few additional remarks upon the 
same subject, I will state again that 1 came into this body with 
a desire for peace, with a desire tor harmony; but I say to you 
now, and to this Convention, that when the remedies to which 
we shall resort, and wliich 1 thitik are yet within our control, 
shall have failed to give relief, I shall stand by my friend whom 
1 see before nie from the county of Greenesville, (Mr. Cham- 
bliss.) and who holds opinions in many respects, opposed to 
those which I entertain. But while I say this, sir, I say it is 
not my purpose to sustain, before this body, any fixed or fore- 
gone conclusion upon the subject of secession or any other 
policy. I said, yesterday, that there were reasons, that there 
were iacts, that there were circumstances connected with those 
Confederated States of the South, in the new position which 
they occupy, that should cause us to pause and consider well 
before we sliould cause Virginia to take her stand with those 
States, though that may be her post of duty and of honor at last. 

Sir, this morning I was enabled to a\"ail myself of some im- 
portant information concerning the products of the State of Vir- 
ginia, which may serve here as a source of some instruction, 
however little it may be, in the consideration of the subjects of 
Virginia's interests in her relations to the Southern or Cotton 
States, as well as to others. I shall not, in referring to this sub- 
ject, dwell particularly upon the resources of the tide-water 
country, or of the middle country, or of the western country, I 
shall content myself with some very general views with regard 
to one of the leading products of Virginia, and the influences 
likely to be exercised upon it by the present and prospective 
changes in our relations to others. I beg gentlemen to reflect 
upon the facts which I shall submit to them before they decide 
to act. I ask them to examine the heavy stakes involved to the 
tide-water region of Virginia — to the ports of Richmond^ Peters- 
burg and Norfolk, and other points, before taking any precipitate 
action. You will find that there is a great and powerful interest 
in Virginia that requires your consideration, and 1 will briefiy 
bring your attention to it, without any elaborate argument at all. 
Having no familiarity with the subject of commerce, I will leave 
to others more competent than I am, the duty of dealing with it 



25 

in fuller detail than it is my purpose to refer to it now. I said, 
with reference to the products of our Slate, that I represented a 
peculiar interest, and that, in fact, the interests of the whole 
State were, in some respect, unlike others in that regard. Her 
interests are diversified. She appeals to no king cotton; she 
appeals to no particular trade; she appeals to no particular 
interest to decide her destiny, as do the other States of the 
Souths, the Cotton States in particular. She, like a good mother 
as she is, embraces all her children. She looks around her, to 
the East and West, and considers alike the good and the wel- 
fare of all. As one of those representing all the great natural, 
mechanical and commercial, as well as manufacturing resources 
of Virginia, I will state that, while f am more immediately con- 
cerned in the welfare of particular branches of industry, I shall 
not be governed by any mere local inlluences in the course 
which I may pursue in this Convention. I will produce a few 
facts in connection with this interest. 

I find, upon examination of an article, for which I am in- 
debted to one who occupies an official position in this body- 
one, sir, to whom the State of Virginia perhaps is more indebted 
than to any other man in the Commonwealth, for having, from 
time to time, made such an exhibit in his annual, semi-annual 
and quarterly reports of the resources of the trade of Virginia, 
as serves to enlighten her people and inform them correctly of 
statistical facts connected with their material interests — the 
one to whom I allude as the compiler of these tables is the 
gentleman who occupies a seat on your right, (Mr. John Graeme, 
Assistant Clerk.) The facts to which I refer show that the ex- 
port of tobacco from the port of Richmond alone, to foreign 
ports, for the year 1860, were 18,798 hogsheads, of which Liver- 
pool took 2,389 hogsheads, and London 2,461 ; while the total 
amount of leaf and stems to the Northern ports, to Baltimore, 
Philadelphia and New York by steamers alone, was 7,170 hogs- 
heads. To this is to be added a still larger item of 275,275 boxes 
and packages of manufactured tobacco sent to these ports, be- 
sides exports from the Dock of 60,820 packages — the whole 
amounting to 336,095 packages, the valuation upon which, at 
^25 per package, which I am enabled to make from other sources 
of iirformation, would be $16,804,750, or nearly ,$17,000,000 — 
I say nothing of the millions besides, cleared from Petersburg, 
<fcc. 

Now, sir, tell me that this great interest is of no concern to 
the people of the State of Virginia, because Cotton has installed 
itself King in another portion of this Republic as it was. I say, 
sir, that I cannot be driven from the consideration at least of the 
subject by the arguments of gentlemen, however ingeniously 
they may be applied. I say nothing of what may have gone 
4 



26 

from your port, sir, (addressing himself to Mr. Branch, of Pe- 
tersburg,) or what may have gone from olher ports. The statis- 
tics which I present, however, will be snfficient to give some 
idea of the great stake which Virginia has in this particular inte- 
rest. From this it will be seen that these ports of the North are 
large purchasers of one of our great staples, and that it is by no 
means the interest of Virginia to cut oif these people from all 
connection with us. If this alienation should occur, where is 
Virginia to find an equivalent market for this article? 1 ask my 
friend from the county of Orange, (Mr. Morton,) who represents 
a tobacco interest with myself, whether he will readily yield to 
the cutting off of these port^or not? But, knowing him as I do, 
I know that, however he may act in this matter, he will do what 
he believes to be for the best interests of his people and of the 
whole State. It may be argued that much of the seventeen 
millions made goes to the ports of the South from New York — 
but still the importance of the trade, capital and business is 
shown, and the ports of the North are still shown to be directly 
connected with the prosperity of the country. 

But, sir, in connection with this subject, I want this Conven- 
tion, I want the State of Virginia to understand, that if she goes 
out of this Union, if she determines upon any policy, it should 
be such a policy as would forever settle these difficulties. I 
want the people of Virginia to know, when they leave this 
Union, that they are to contract an alliance which is to give ' 
them that security which they have failed to find in the Union 
in which they were, as the Union now is. Gentlemen talk about 
extracts from newspapers as furnishing no reliable information. 
Why, sir, as I said yesterday, how are we to obtain information 
on any subject, unless through the medium of the press? We 
have heard it frequently designated as another palladium of our 
liberty; and yet we have heard it said that an extract from a 
journal is worthless; that it is no authority as to matters of fact. 
I think that newspaper authority is entitled to the consideration 
of this Convention, especially when it is found to be one of the 
leading papers of the country, and one which reflects the gene- 
ral sentiment of the State and section in which it is published. 
I refer to the Charleston Mercury, and that paper has, within the 
last few days, used the following language: 

"■ We admit that the Government is but provisional and tem- 
porary, and that, therefore, the features objected to may not be 
carried into the permanent Government, and probably were never 
intended to be carried there. They were doubtless intended to 
conciliate the border slave States; and induce them to an early 
union. But the concern we have expressed was not unwarrant- 
able. It may be questionable whether, should the border slave 
States be induced to union by such attractive features of the 



27 

Constitution, it would be proper to propose a change. It is to 
be doubted whether, when they shall have entered, it will be 
possible for the cotton States to make any changes to which they 
may object; and, as we would certainly lament the final adoption 
of the policy objected to, as we would lament a constitutional 
recognition of a protective policy and a constitutional brand upon 
the institution of domestic slavery, we think it eminently impor- 
tant that those who deprecate those measures should make the 
efforts necessary to defeat them." 

Here, sir, we have it directly from that journal, that those 
men at the South who entertain certain opinions on the question 
of Government, which they would have us adopt, merely be- 
cause they have embodied in their provisional Constitution a 
clause prohibiting the African slave trade, defer to our prejudices 
and interests to the extent of adoi)ting that clause with a view 
to expuuge it after they should have secured our cooperation in 
their new scheme of government. To be sure, this chuise con- 
stitutes a very attractive element in the Constitution; but it is 
declared that this new Congress shall have certain powers over 
the subject of slavery; and who may not fear but that the pro- 
hibitory clause, in relatiou to the African slave trade, which, as 
the Mercury states, was embodied in the Constitution merely to 
induce the Border States to join in the new Confederacy, might 
be stricken out when the interest of those States demanded that 
policy, and when it should have accoihplished the purpose 
which first led to its enactment. 

I impugn not the honor of those States — I respect them and 
the generous sons of the whole South I love — but one of them 
gives us the reference himself. 

I said, that 1 was for the restoration of harmony and of peace; 
but, sir, if peace cannot be obtained upon honorable terms to 
the State; if her rights shall not be fully recognized and estab- 
lished, I shall be willing, not only to go with Virginia, but to 
lead her to her duty. But before I will agree to do so, I will see 
that those measures which the Legislature inaugurated and 
adopted by, I believe, an almost unanimous vote, have failed to 
meet the ends for which they were designed. I allude to the 
resolutions inaugurating the " Peace Congress," now in session 
in the City of Washington. I am willing to await the action of 
that Conference, and 1 say that I am looking with anxious in- 
terest that something may be done to restore harmony; and if 
that can be accomplished, 1 will hail it as a glorious event; I 
will rejoice at it, and will give it my entire and willing sanc- 
tion. But it must be no cobweb affair, it must not, sir, to 
use the language employed on the other side of the House, 
it must not be peace, peace, when there is no peace. What- 
ever measure of adjustment may be determined upon, nmst 



28 

be a measure in which the North shall nbi only say '' we 
are ready to give you a measure embodying a constitutional 
pledge that this subject of slavery shall not be agitated again 
in Congress;" but they must speak through their President. 
We want something more than a declaration of that sort. We 
want that man, who is to be installed in a few days Presi- 
dent of the United States, to come up to his duty and to tell 
the country that, though he was elected upon the principles of 
the Chicago platfortn, yet, that these principles must be aban- 
doned in his administration. I admit, that it is difficult for a 
man, under such circumstances as he finds himself placed in, 
to declare in advance what he intends to do. There is not a 
man among us who, if he were elected to sud 'i a position, upon 
certain principles, would, before he was inaugurated, abandon 
those principles and say to the world that he was wrong in the 
avowal of them. Men may change their views of policy and 
avow it at any time — but the head of a mere sectional party 
must see that such principles as it has must.^ overthrow the 
Government and subvert the Constitution — Mr. Lincoln may 
then be brought to see the danger when he gets into the po- 
sition to which a part of the nation has called him — for an 
election, more sectional in its character, was never had in 
any State or country — if he had the magnanimity to declare, 
^'I believe this Union cannot be preserved — I will surrender 
here now all those principles embodied in the Chicago platform, 
which look to interference Avith slavery in any way whatever — I 
will proclaim now, as President of the United States, inaugu- 
rated as 1 am and having taken an oath to support the Constitu- 
tion, that I will not only see that that Constitution is supported 
and maintained to the last, but I will here lay down the weapons 
of my rebellion against it." I say if he had the magnanimity 
to make this proclamation, he would imml'rtalize and render 
himself the greatest benefactor of the age. Sir, I cannot, I 
dare not expect such a concession as this. '.But, I say, sir, that 
tliere are men who have sacrificed themselves for the good of 
their country; there have been men in oui' own land and in 
other countries, who have sacrificed all that was dear to them 
for the sake of that country which gave then birth; that coun- 
try which is the land that holds everything at is near and dear 
to us — that land the glories of which my r ime shall never be 
identified in dimming under the force of any circumstances 
whatever. I might say, sir, with some degree of certainty that 
there are m.eti now in this Union who, if elected upon such 
principles as those upon which Mr. Lincoln has ridden into 
power, would be magnanimous and brave enough to make this 
sacrifice. • I don't say that he would do it; I fear he will not; 
but; sir_, whatever he may do, and however he may act, it is cm 



29 

duty here so to lA as to avoid undue precipitancy, and not to 
impair the force and great moral weight of our action when it is 
presented to the consideration of the people for ratification or re- 
jection. 

In the remarks which I submitted yesterday, and in the reso- 
lutions which I then took occasion to submit, I referred to the 
fact that there was another remedy which could be resorted to, 
if circumstances had not so changed as to make an amendment 
to the Constitution impracticable now, in the mode indicated, by 
an appeal through the State Legislatures under the Constitution 
itself. I don't see now, sir, that we can get any such measure,- 
I don't desire it. I do not say that under all circumstances we 
ought to have r i assemblage or a conference of the border 
States. I indicated it as my wish and desire, if we could have 
it without compromising the rights and interests of the State of 
Virginia. I do not wish this Convention, however, to under- 
stand me as desiring, by the expression of any such wish or 
sentiment, del^y on their part, in whatever action they contem- .. 
plate taking. \^But if 1 were satisfied that anything would be ^ 
introduced here that promised to establish peace and equality, 
and to restore us the rights which our fathers gave us, I should 
not then have regarded it as a duty which we o\ved to ourselves 
and our constitue its, to resort to tlie other means which 1 indi- 
cated, namely: a conference of the border slave States, And 
then it would be our duty to await the result before proceeding 
to take any precipitate action. This mode only contemplated a 
conference of the oorder slave States — in order that they might 
act together. I contemplated no Middle Confederacy of slave 
and free States — but my object was to act together in the border 
slave States — to consult, to advise^ to act together, if we could^ 
and then to take our position. 

But, sir, in the neantiine, if resistance should become neces- 
sary, if it so happened that the State of Virginia should be in- 
vaded; that her rights should be crippled in any way; that any 
attempt should be made to coerce or overawe her by marching 
Federal troops through the State — any attempt to coerce the 
seceding States — any attempt to force obedience to the decrees 
sei)tf»rth to snbc',ue them — I say, sir, should these things be 
attempted, I will, itaiici by you, sir, (referring to Mr. Chambliss, 
near him,) and st iid by you to the last. 

I shall never depart in the slightest degree from the exact line 
of that path of propriety and necessity which shall be presented 
to me. But I sa/, that before we move, we must be satisfied 
that the remedies which we have devised, or shall devise, for 
the evils which now afflict us, have been first exhausted. I 
must say to my people, \^hen I return home, that there were no 
possible means of effecting any thing within our reach to which 



30 

we had not resorted; that all the measures we had tried had 
proved unavailing; t!iat we had end(uivored by every means to 
accomplish what might result in the preservation of this Union; 
but these having proved fruitless, we were compelled to take the 
ultimatum of dissolution, trusting by-and-by to tlie prospect of 
reconstructing it. I would state to my people, in this connec- 
tion, that in resorting to a Southern Conference of border slave 
States, I would, in some degree, be governed by the prospect of 
being ermbled to bring our influence to bear, through that me- 
dium upon the Southern Confederacy, upon the States that have 
already seceded, in the hope of again bringing them back and 
forming a union upon the old basis, with additional guarantees, 
of course, for our safety, and with perfect security for our rights. 
When it comes to the question of North or South alone; when 
I am to choose my position and decide for Virginia, whether she 
will take her stand with die North or the South — I tell you that 
my sympathies will be with tbe South; and that feeling which 
was born in me, and which I share in common with the people 
of Virginia, will place me under that flag whicii is now floating 
over us to-day. If perish I must, I had rather die fighting glo- 
riously under it, than to die ingloriousiy, to be wrapped and 
buried under the folds of one with even thirty-four stars upon it. 
This, sir, is my position, and 1 intend to maintain it, come 
what may. I say most distinctly and unequivocally that, so far 
as I am concerned, I have little hope from Abraham Lincoln 
and his coadjutors. If I had faith that he would inaugurate 
anythiiig like just principles, which would form a basis for the 
settlement of this question, I should be willing to forego any 
action until the test was applied; but there is no hope of such a 
result. He told us the other day from that consecrated spot in 
Philadelphia— Independence Hall — that he was "elected upon 
"the principles of that statement in the Declaration of Indepen- 
<^' deuce which gives.liberty, not alone to the people of this conn- 
"try, but to the people of the world for all future time — those 
"principles which give promise that in duo time the weight 
"would be lifted from the shoulders of all men." Do you tell 
me that I can go to Washington and feel that I can breathe the 
air which I once breathed in all its purity; that I can go there 
and take by the hand the man who says that these princijjles 
must be carried out throughout the land — the man who is 
to be installed into the highest office upon principles that 
give liberty not only to the white race, but to the slaves of the 
white man — the slaves which the ConsUtution recognizes as 
such? He tells me, these are principles at which nobody can 
take offence; and he tells you that he means what he says. In 
view of all tiiis, while 1 might hope tlrat he might do otherwise, 
while 1 might wish he would do otherwise, I can have but 



31 

little hope and no expectation that he will. Indeed, I almost 
entirely despair of his doing so; bnt there are instances in which 
men have sacrificed themselves in order to save their country. 
It is indeed a rare occurrence to find one in a position so ex- 
alted, and with so much power and patronage to dispense, turn- 
ing his back upon the very platform of principles upon which he 
was elected, and upon the men who placed him in power, 
hanging around him and waiting for their reward. When I 
find such a man, I shall indeed find one who has, at least, the 
consciousness of endeavoring to do his duty. When I find Mr. 
Lincoln turning upon those who are polluted with the senti- 
ments of that irrepressible conflict doctrine; when he can so far 
forget the behests of party as to shake off whatever partakes of 
the fanaticism which belongs to the Garrison, the Phillips, and 
the Greeley school, then, indeed, I will regard him as having the 
good of his country at heart, and as exhibiting some disposition 
to reconcile the distracted elements of the country and bring 
peace to its people. I have no hope that he will do this, re- 
membering, as I must, that he is obliged to carry out the 
behests of the party by whom he was elevated to power, rather 
than consult the interests of the country over which he is now 
called to preside. Should he do anything to give peace to the 
country, he would, indeed, deserve the thanks of all men, and 
he might well feel, as might the country, that he was worthy to 
be one of the successors of Washington, Jefterson, and the other 
distinguished men who have filled the Presidential (!^hair. 

I have said what I intended to say, and I return you, Mr. 
President, and gendemen of the Convention, my thanks for the 
patient manner in which you have heard the remarks which I 
have offered, and for the kind consideration which you mani- 
fested in adjourning over, last evening, to enable me to proceed 
with my remarks to day. I will conclude, now, with the ex- 
pression of a hope that whatever we may do may redound to the 
glory of our own State and the benefit of the country at large 



LB N 10 



